The vision for growth management is being implemented through collaboration and partnership with City departments and outside agencies. The City has established Secondary Plans to guide greenfield development and Master Plans to coordinate infrastructure delivery. Ensuring that this level of growth is managed in a sustainable, efficient, and financially responsible manner will be central to the long-term health, prosperity, and well-being of Barrie and its residents.
Working within the policy framework provided by the Growth Plan, the City has been preparing an updated Growth Management Strategy. Planning staff have also been developing policies and strategies to foster higher-density, mixed-use development in the Urban Growth Centre as well as within important Intensification Nodes and Corridors.
The Downtown Barrie Urban Growth Centre as defined by the Province of Ontario in the Growth Plan consists of the traditional downtown area as well as a significant portion of the historic Allandale neighbourhood.
Moving forward, this area will serve as the focal point for higher-density growth and intensification in Barrie. The Growth Plan has set a density target for the Downtown Barrie Urban Growth Centre of residents and jobs per hectare, to be achieved by Growth of this magnitude needs to be managed in a way that:. Urban renewal projects, infrastructure upgrades and urban design measures were traditionally not developed to hinder urban sprawl.
However, in many of the cases they are integrated in a general urban development strategy, supposing to take development pressure away from green fields and supporting reurbanisation tendencies. A simple indicator for this development is to look at densities. Figure 2 illustrates the average number of inhabitants per hectare urban land use in the eight city-regions. Still, looking at the development since , the ratio decreased considerably in the region, caused by a strong increase of urban area but only a minor increase in population.
In Warsaw and Leipzig similar effects can be observed for the s. However, the two cities also illustrate different impacts of the transition from socialist to market economies. The urban sprawl around Leipzig was very much driven by public policy and support for home ownership from the early s, while in Warsaw suburbanisation was driven by a only slow renewal of the inner city and a later economic revitalization [ 6 , 39 ]. In general, despite the Leipzig-Halle case which still faces population decline, we can speak of a densification or at least a decrease in dispersion in all cases in the most recent years, opposing a general trend of urban dispersion in Europe over the last decades [ 2 ].
Also the two US cases, Portland and Seattle, became denser over time; they also have the biggest potential due to the historically very low density. Urban areas include not only urban cores and residential areas but also commercial areas as well as transport infrastructure as ports and airports. It is therefore remarkable that The Hague-Rotterdam, despite the port area of Rotterdam, which serves a huge hinterland, still has the highest density of the eight regions.
But also some of the other regions have big ports or airports, especially the two US cases. Leipzig-Halle has extended its airport considerably in , contributing to an increasing urban land take despite stagnating population numbers.
Figure 3 compares the most recent change in urban area, population and GDP in all eight cases. Also this figure shows a trend towards densification, at least compared to the general trend of urban dispersion the years before, where urban land grew twice as fast as population in Europe and the US [ 5 ].
However, we cannot derive obvious relations between the three indicators based on the eight cities. Still, despite of Manchester, economic growth seems to be an important driver for urban growth in all case areas. Rural areas close to urban agglomerations are considerably different form remote rural areas.
In some areas, policies go towards promoting increased farm sizes and thus competitiveness e. However, the funding is typically administered by national or regional bodies and some regions also combine the funding with other programmes for rural development. The rural development plan for Greater Manchester supports agricultural activities by adding value to products through the processing and diversification of the rural economy.
Farmers get compensated for the provision of ecosystem services. The funding comes from neighbouring municipalities and even from private sources, which shows the wide awareness of having functioning rural areas close to towns in the region. Activities eligible for funding include nature protection, preservation of rare livestock, historical buildings and educational activities [ 32 ].
However, the subsidies often cannot compensate for the increase of land rents due to urbanisation pressures which is a real threat for farming in peri-urban areas [ 40 ]. Land use regulation in the form of zoning, subdivision or protection acts are therefore important instruments regarding the support of rural and agricultural structures in urban regions. Provided that the rules and plans are clear and can be effectively implemented, it can prevent urban development and avoid speculation on land.
The land use regulation of rural land is thereby usually integrated in an urban containment strategy. The latter is sometimes undermined by using high value crops where a few hectares are enough for the income while the housing unit is rent out or sold.
There are also a number of exceptions as e. Exceptions are also a problem in many other regions as e. Figure 4 shows that agriculture is in many regions the main land use which was lost to urbanisation. Only in Seattle the majority of urbanised land was nature before forests, wetlands, semi-natural areas. However, the share of nature lost annually was only 0. In this sense, agricultural area is still the most threatened land use type.
However, the percentages should be taken with a grain of salt as they depend on the delineation of the wider region. In general, though, pure nature areas seem to be less endangered by urban growth. A reason might be that agricultural areas are more dominant in proximity to urban centres than nature areas, which moreover may tend to be protected. Market-based mechanisms are often seen as having great potential to shift development pressures and to contain urban growth. However, they are not widely used, often only for particular, time-restricted projects.
Nuissl et al. Taxes and subsidies are usually subject to national legislation and are harder to employ for a specific problem. They are however important for the general conditions for urban growth and the functioning of the planning system. TDRs instead can be applied to specific areas or regions. Among our case studies they are only used in the two US regions. TDRs are market-based programmes, allowing to separate and trade the right to develop a certain piece of land in a free-market system of willing sellers and buyers [ 43 ].
The property receiving the development right usually gains an additional allowance in built-up density, while the sending site will be preserved through a conservation easement. Besides the income through the sale, sending site owners often also profit from a reduced property tax. In Portland a few TDR programmes were designed for specific areas. Additional development in some areas was allowed in and in return for the preservation of important open spaces [ 44 ]. In a current TDR programme parts of the major urban greenway, the Willamette River Greenway are to be preserved in exchange to additional building densities.
In Seattle TDRs are used in all four metropolitan counties. Activity is very dependent on the general economic growth, dropping to zero transfers in in King County [ 45 ]. Receiving sites usually gets a higher density allowance than taken from sending sites. The use of TDR is not widely spread in Europe, though its potentials are discussed [ 46 , 47 ].
One reason might be that many local administrations are more actively purchasing and thereby controlling land in Europe than in the US. Dutch municipalities can borrow money from the national government to cover the costs of land acquisition and servicing. In The Hague Region land purchasing is mentioned as successful strategy to prevent areas from urbanization [ 32 ]. It implies public compulsory land purchase, followed by the development of recreational functions or leased at long term by farmers for agricultural use.
It is thus heavily based on public funding, and probably only viable in areas where it is of essential public interest to protect certain areas of agricultural land.
However, as agricultural land is very scarce in the region and important for recreation and ecosystem services, it is an effective policy in the case area. But also in our two US cases land purchase was used to protect natural areas [ 44 ]. Such policies are also related to the issue of increasing the attractiveness of the existing urban area as discussed in one of the previous sections. We do not have data directly related to the impact of market-based tools and incentives.
However, a related land use proxy is land fragmentation, as an expected result is a more efficient use of land. Table 2 shows the number of new patches and their size. As a proxy for fragmentation, we calculated the number of patches which got established adjacent to existing urban areas which were at least the same size as the new patch the latter to include urban extensions of small rural towns.
We also calculated a global Shape index describing the perimeter of all urban areas in relation to their size. In Table 2 the change of the index is shown: The higher the increase, the more fragmented urban areas developed.
According to the Shape Index, the biggest fragmentation took place in Leipzig-Halle, while The Hague-Rotterdam got a more compact urban form. However, the changes are not very big, not least because it is a global index. The numbers only indicate general patterns and have to be interpreted with caution across cases because of different base data. Furthermore, they do not tell about some case specific land use change characteristics. For example, in the Warsaw region some of the biggest patches are new single-family housing development areas e.
In the Leipzig-Halle region some of the biggest new patches, which were not adjacent to cities, are new photovoltaic power stations or solar parks e.
The small average patch size in the two US cities is caused by a different mapping method of changes, where many new patches are a transformation of former very low density areas or small extensions around the existing urban patches. Urban growth pressures seldom stop at administrative boundaries.
Inter-jurisdictional cooperation is therefore essential in growth management [ 24 ]. The cases and literature [ 23 ] show that at least three conditions must be fulfilled to carry out efficient planning and ensure a balanced development: There must be a legal body with regional competences; there must be compliance between different levels of planning; and there must be consensus on a strategy and will to carry it through.
In most of the cases special regional administrations exist, though in very different forms regarding representation, purpose, competences, budget and spatial coverage.
Another type exists in Portland, where the metropolitan council members are directly elected. In the Warsaw region, where the regional authority of Mazovia is responsible to take charge of regional planning since , no steps were undertaken yet [ 34 ]. Also the spatial coverage of the regional bodies is quite different.
In rural areas, a SCoT is not to be prepared, and like in the case of urban growth boundaries in Portland and Seattle, this may lead to leap-frog development. The Rural-Urban Regions RUR used for the analysis of land use changes in this article, are usually far bigger than the existing regional bodies responsible for growth management.
So the growth management efforts might have the problem to go not far enough in geographic terms and thereby push development to places outside of the region. Another important issue besides the form of representation and the spatial competences is budget. Especially for the purpose of land purchase to preserve certain areas from urbanisation, adequate financial resources are essential. The regional authority of Portland co-finances its activities by the disposal of solid waste services.
Just as the PSRC in Washington, it is also the official Metropolitan Planning Organization, which means it allocates the federal infrastructure money in the region. Furthermore, as written in the previous section, the city funds big land acquisitions by bonds. Many of the other regional bodies have a budget for the implementation of various activities. Often though, like in The Hague Region, the power is based on the municipalities taking part in the regional co-operation.
In this way the decisions should be anchored within the municipalities, but on the other hand it might be difficult to push the strategies in directions which some of the partners do not like. Well, if they already hold elected office incumbents then you need only examine their record: Have they supported measures to deal with poorly managed growth? Did they oppose rezoning requests that would have harmed neighborhoods or the environment? Will they support the responsible growth management measures suggested below?
Responsible Growth Management Measures The measures presented below are generally THE most effective first steps towards responsible growth management. Schools A development project should not be approved if it will cause a school to exceed design capacity or expand class size beyond generally accepted limits. Traffic If proposed development would cause excessive delay for you and other residents then it should not be approved until improvements are made that reduce congestion to an acceptable level of service.
Aquatic Resources Plans for a proposed development project must show that stormwater runoff from all rooftops, streets, parking lots and other impervious surfaces will drain to highly-effective Best Management Practices.
Shifting Growth Costs From Taxpayers To Developers As of , 29 states had passed legislation allowing local governments to charge developers impact fees to cover the costs of growth such as: school capacity expansions, new roads, increased water-sewer capacity, as well as expanding police, fire and emergency services.
Adequate Public Facility Ordinance APFO A number of states have authorized local governments to prevent school overcrowding, traffic congestion and other growth impacts with Adequate Public Facility or Concurrency laws. Master Planning Most local governments have a master plan setting forth how an area should grow.
A good master plan will: Identify each quality of life factor affected by growth; Present data regarding the impact of past growth with regard to each factor; Show the effects of anticipated future growth; then Recommend alternatives for preventing growth from further degrading each quality of life factor followed by measures to reverse past impacts with the net result that a community becomes a better place to live and work.
Implementing Solutions Even the best master plan is meaningless without implementation of the solutions. Winning the Adoption of Responsible Growth Management Measures Here are the broad strokes for how to move a locality towards more responsible growth management. Identify citizen groups active throughout your town, city or county. Poll the leaders of each group about what growth issues are of greatest concern: school overcrowding, traffic congestion, declining water quality-quantity, rising taxes, etc.
Survey frequent voters those who vote in every election about growth issues they care about most. Identify responsible growth management measures that would resolve the issue of greatest concern. There are usually several to choose from. In the mid nineteenth century the painter gustave courbet sought to. Why was the town of Picher, Oklahoma, evacuated in ? There had been an accident at a nearby nuclear power plant.
A large number of its children had suffered from lead poisoning. Who holds patents awarded in the s for automatic video scanning and inspection methods, which led to bar code technology? What was the purpose of Mendel's experiments with dihybrid crosses? To determine if traits are controlled by more than one gene B. To determine if one trait could affect the inheritance of another trait C. To determine if it is possible to produce an F2 generation D.
To determine if the transforming factor was DNA or protein. The teacher hands you the following writing prompt to guide your assignment: "Scientists have successfully cloned animals, such as Dolly the sheep.
Some people hope that cloning techniques will be used to clone humans someday, while others strongly oppose this use of technology. What is your position on cloning humans? Write a persuasive essay articulating your position on the cloning of humans. Use specific examples and details to support your views.
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